UDEUHELE GODWIN IKECHUKWU
Department of Political Science
Ebonyi State University, Abakaliki
ABSTRACT
Electoral process and democracy in Nigeria; a behavioral perspective is important, because the Nigeria political pedigree shows that we are still in a learning process, and that, this may have accounted for the numerous electoral oral problems that made some scholars to call our elections “selections”. The aim of this paper is to identify the main features of electoral oral process in Nigeria, to know the extent the electoral process in Nigeria as it is today, is conducive to the democratic aspirations of Nigeria with particular reference to 1999 constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria, and to provide solution that is expedient in the context of Nigeria present democratic setting. Furthermore, it was observed that the electoral process in Nigeria is being bedeviled with the problems of mass rigging of results, thuggery, embezzlement and the winner take all syndrome etc. On this premise the researcher recommended that the discrepancies between structure and culture of our politics which are the bane of our electoral process should be bridged, that more constitutional reviews without the evolution of positive national character for our nation building cannot bring about desired electoral process that can give meaning to democracy and that the present Anti-corruption act and poverty alleviation programme of the present government should be vigorously sustained to ensure constructive electoral process and survival of democracy in Nigeria.
INTRODUCTION
In any political system, traditional or modernizing, electoral process plays a significant role n the political life of citizens. It is an instrumental factor in the determination of the variations or changes in leadership positions at all levels of political authority in a political system, especially in a democratic political system. Precisely, it is a mechanism for making political choice in political system.
As a concept, electoral process involves such variables as structures which in this context refer to constitution; political parties; institutions or organs namely Electoral Commission, Tribunals, e.t.c others variables includes: the electorate; political actors, voting behaviour, political culture, political leadership e.t.c. The effectiveness of these structures and institution depends to a large extent, on the extent to which they are congruent with the operative culture within the environment in which the variables subsists. The operative culture itself is a synthesis of economy, education, societal value system, etc. It thus, follows that electoral process is human oriented and human based. It exists wherever there is a concentration of human beings because government and governance are facts of collective human existence. Since Democracy as a concept is also human-orientated in terms of its concern for collective welfare of citizens and social mobilization, there is a symmetrical relationship between electoral process and democracy in their responses to environmental stimuli. In a well-structured political system in which cognitive orientation of citizens is high, citizen-participation in electoral process is likely to square with basic principles of democracy. In a traditional political system, electoral process is also in existence, though in a rudimentary form. Similarly, in a traditional political system, democratic essence is discernible but it is essentially people-based, not people oriented. As a result of its modal role in the political life of a country’s electoral process, it conjures considerable concern among politicians, intellectuals and scholars, hence the plethora of literatures, which it has so far attracted, from a good crop of eminent political scientists and constitutional lawyers. Although ample literature is already available in this area, the relevance of this paper derives primarily from its behavioral approach to the problems of electoral process in Nigeria which is our environmental base for this paper. This simulative posture naturally raises some fundamental questions like;
- What are the main features of electoral process in Nigeria?
- To what extent does electoral process in Nigeria as it is today conduce to the democratic aspirations of Nigerians with particular reference to the provisions of the Nigerian constitution of 1999 And
- What solutions are expedient in the context of Nigeria’s present
democratic setting?
These crucial questions provide both the focus of and structural format for this paper. Although it will take a general look at the electoral process in Nigeria, its pre-occupation is not with the mechanics and tinsels of the various aspects of electoral process that have undergone experimentation in Nigeria across the years.
The main thrust of the paper is on how best to evolve a patterned pot political culture or collective political behavior that can help inter electoral process in Nigeria with the democratic aspirations of Nigeria with particular reference to electoral process as provided for in the constitution of Nigeria. Thus, structurally, part one takes a general lo electoral process in Nigeria during both colonial and post-colonial period in the country’s political pedigree. The second part of the paper examiner the correlation between electoral process and basic principles of democracy within Nigeria’s political context with particular reference to the constitution. The concluding part of the paper discusses the future electoral process in Nigeria within the country’s democratic structure.
ELECTORAL PROCESS IN PRE-COLONIAL AFRICA
In pre-colonial Africa, electoral process was in existence how rudimentary but not in the precise context of Western electoral m grafted upon Nigeria by colonial fiat.
In his work: “A Historical Reflection on the Electoral Process in post-Colonial Africa “, Wanyonyi P. K. (1977) argues:
That electoral process was known In pre-colonial Africa, although the number of participants was limited.
In his own view, Ward W.E.F. (1968) opined that;
Electoral process in African context is a reflection of African political thought. He illustrates that in a European group of100 people, 51 of them want one thing and 45 another, the minority group will comply with the majority will. Those in the minority group will comply and co-operate with the majority in the execution of policies they were averse to.
But this is not African. If an African group differs in the same way, discussion will go on till those in the minority (one by one) skip over to. the majority. An Africa group in his view feels the need for complete u much more than a European group. Judged by this illustration, it is clear although the pre-colonial Africa electoral process operated essentially ii environment of parochial political culture, it points up the fact that elect process and democracy are inherent in African traditional political culture.
ELECTORAL PROCESS IN NIGERIA: AN OVERVIEW
Constitutional Background
According to Franklin L. B. (1965)
The Berlin Conference of 1884/5established British claim to a sphere of
influence over the Niger Districts. The Royal Niger Company had been
formed to administer the area, but in1900, the administration of the area
was taken over by the crown.
After the amalgamation of 1914, Laggard set up the Nigerian Council consisting of 36 members; only six of the members were Africans, nominated to represent the coastal districts and the interior. Two of the six were Emirs who represented the North, the A-lafin of Oyo represented the West and there was one representative each from Lagos, Calabar and Benin/Warri. The Council was given only advisory powers. The Constitution of 1922 increased the Legislative Council to forty-six, ten of whom were Africans. Only four members were selected, the rest were nominated.
The Council legislated for the Colony and Southern Provinces. The Governor continued to legislate for the Northern Provinces. The Constitution of 1946, known as the Richards Constitution set up a Legislative council for the whole Nigeria. The Council had a membership of 45. Twenty-eight of the members were Nigerians of whom four were elected and the remaining twenty-four nominated.
The Macpherson constitution of 1951, made provision for a council of Ministers made up of a total of 18 members, 2 Nigerians and 6 expatriate officials. The Council of Ministers was made up of equal representation from each Region. Nomination of the Region’s representatives was by the Regional Legislature. The Constitution also gave Nigeria a House of Representatives comprising 136 Nigerians.
In 1954, the Lyttelton Constitution introduced in the Eastern and Western Regions of Nigeria direct elections into the Federal House of Representatives. The House of Representatives was elected independently and separately from the regional House of Assembly.
According Jean Wheara (1950) The Independence Constitution of 1960retained the Federal Legislature in a bicameral form the House Representatives and the Senate. There was a Governor-General who the representative of the Head of State who was the Queen of England. Governor-General acted on the advice of the Prime Minister. The effective Head of Government in the Nigerian constitution was the Prime Minister constitution authorized him to establish a Cabinet or a Council Minister or both. The Prime Minister and his Cabinet governed on condition that they had the support of a majority in parliament. The proposals of (Cabinet about how to govern must receive the approval of Parliament.
The Republican Constitution of 1963 established a Republic Government under a President. The President was to be elected by a j meeting of two Houses of Parliament or a five-year term of office. Constitution removed the Queen of England as Nigeria’s Head of State. Republican constitution retained parliamentary and cabinet government however, provided that the Prime Minister could not be removed office, except on a vote of confidence lost on the floor of the House Representatives. If he failed to resign after such an adverse vote, parliament could be dissolved.
Development of the Suffrage
The franchise which was given to the people of Lagos and Calabar after 1922 constitution granted elected representatives to the two town Conditions governing the franchise were specific and this necessitated. James S. Coleman (1958) to observe that:
Only natives of the protectorate or adult males who were citizens could vote. They were to posses a residence qualification of 12 months and a gross annual income of £100.00. Convicts sentenced to death, hard labor or more than a year’s imprisonment were not allowed to vote. Those who were proven to be deficient in health were also disqualified. A registered voter was eligible to be elected (o (he Legislative council provided that he was not an Undercharged bankrupt, had not within five years before the election received charitable relief in Nigeria from any public source of was not being paid a salary out of public revenue.
In Joan Wheara’s view,
Even in Lagos and Calabar where the franchise was granted, conditions
were so restricted that only a few people of the total population of voters
in each case were eligible to vote. For example, (a) In Calabar, only 1,000
out of 10,000 adult male Africans were eligible; (b) In out of 10,0.00 were
eligible.
Nigerian nationalists, notably Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, called for the introduction of universal adult suffrage in Nigeria. As a follow-up in 1946, the Ibo Union pressed for the enfranchisement of women. Following the Richards Constitution, regulations were stipulated in connection with the election of representatives to the Legislative council, then the government decided to extend the franchise beyond Lagos and Calabar. The regulations were to relate to:
(1) The qualifications of voters.
(2) The registration of voters.
(3) The ascertainment of the qualifications of voters and candidates.
(4) Offences in connection with elections, including the trial and punishment of offenders.
(5) The disposal of petitions, and the determination of the other questions arising from membership on the Council.
Generally, no significant changes were made in the electoral law until 1958. In that year, some important advances were made: University Adult Suffrage was adopted for the whole country, to take effect in 1959, with the exception of Northern Nigeria where women were not enfranchised on religious grounds.
In Awa’s View: Since 1960, when the country attained independence, electors must be Nigerians. Before military rule in Nigeria, the vote was denied to anybody who:
(1) Owed allegiance to a foreign power or state.
(2) Had been sentenced by a court in Nigeria to death or to imprisonment for a term exceeding six months and had not suffered the punishment to which he was sentenced, or such other punishments as many have been submitted bycompetent authority, or received a free pardon.
(3) Is a lunatic or of unsound mind.
(4) Is disqualified in relation to any laws relating to corrupt practices at elections.
(5) Voting by proxy was not permitted, nor was anybody allowed to vote more than once in the same election.
Administration of Election
This was the responsibility of an Electoral Commission appointed Governor on the advice of the Prime Minister, who in turn conferred regional premiers before, advising. Membership of the Commission comprised.
(1) A chief electoral officer, who also was the chairman.
(2) Three members, one from each region.
The administration procedures were as follows:
(1) Each constituency had an electoral officer, a registration off returning officer and polling officers.
(2) In each constituency there was a register of persons eligible to vote.
(3) Each constituency was divided into registration areas of 500 f each.
(4) The registration areas were spaced in such a way that an elect not need to walk more than three miles from his home to register
(5) A person who wished to register did so in a place that he regards his home or where he was ordinarily resident.
Nominations
In selecting candidates for election, political parties in Nigeria ad many techniques. But there were certain principles which in a general way guided the nomination of candidates. A candidate could contest an election in any constituency where his candidature was accepted and mu nominated by two persons whose names were in the register of electors the constituency where he wished to contest the elections. A nomination form must be filled in giving:
(1) Names, addresses and occupations of the nominators of the candidate
(2) A statement on the candidate’s willingness and qualification stand for an election.
(3) Name, address and occupation of candidate,
(4) The candidate’s symbol
(5) The candidate was to make a deposit of £50 which could be re funded if.
(a) He died before the date of the election;
(b) There was no contested election;
(c) A contested election was declared void;
(d) He withdrew his candidature in due time;
(e) He succeeded in a contested election, or obtained 1/5% of
the total number of votes cast in the constituency
Campaigns
According to report in Daily times (1930)
Electoral campaigns in Nigeria were often fraught with endemic problems which were compounded by poor communication systems. They featured high affectivity fashioned on ethnic sentiment. This emotionalism was radiated through newspapers in urban areas, by radio and at open-air rallies in the rural areas.
Newspaper report once stated that:
During the 1959 election campaign, a Northern People’s Congress spokesman, urged Northerners to reject Southern political parties at the polls because Southerners despised the Northerners. It also alleged that some northern parties were inviting their allies, Ibos and Yoruba’s to rule the 18 million people of Northern Nigeria.
In confirmation of this ethnic politics Ewa E.O. (1976) observed that: During the Western Region election of 1956, some Action Group leaders asked Yoruba’s to reject the N.C.N.C (National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon’s) because to put that party in power would mean taking money from Yoruba’s to help the poor Ibo’s in the East. In the Ibo areas of the East, anybody who contested any election on a platform other than that of the N.C.N.C was usually described by the N.C.N.C spokesmen as the friend of Yoruba’s and therefore the enemy of Ibos. Despite the Human Rights Bill promulgated in 1959 to guard against wanton violence during elections, thuggery remained a major feature of electoral campaigns in Nigeria. Many Nigerians, in an attempt to defend their sectional interest, tended to be favorably disposed to the trend.
Elections
Before 195 8, Nigeria experienced two systems of elections:
(1) The System of Whispered Votes: Under the system, an illiterate elector whispered the name of the candidate of his choice to the polling officer. The polling officer then cast the elector’s vote.
(2) The Electoral College System: Under this system, voting was usually a matter of a show of hands. Both systems were infested with loopholes which were openly exploited by electoral officials. The Electoral law of 1958 made provisions which were an improvement on the former administration of elections.
It provided for voting by Secret Ballot, which offset some of the malpractices but did not necessarily eradicate all. The specifications were as follows:
(1) As voters entered the polling station, the polling officer delivered to each of them a ballot paper bearing an official secret mark which must be shown to the polling agents present.
(2) The number, name, address and occupation of the voter as given in the register of electors were to be called out and then the number of the voter in the register was marked on the counterfoil.
(3) A mark was placed against the number of the voter in the copy of the register to denote that the ballot paper had been received by the elector.
(4) A date stamp or other mark was then placed on a registration card, which every voter must carry to prevent its second use at that election.
(5) Before casting his vote, a voter must have his left thumb marked with indelible ink.
(6) The voter then entered the booth where he must alone be, to cast his vote, with the party symbol as his only guide.
The general electoral behaviour of Nigerians reflected the ethnic leanings of the major political parties which installed themselves in the former three regions of the country, with the opposition party making its mark mainly in the minority areas of the country. Ethnicity was the greatest single factor that worked against parliamentary system in Nigeria as has been traced in this paper. This further underlines the contention that the coining of a national value system is a prelude to meaningful democracy in Nigeria. Despite the dysfunctional impact of ethnicity on the Nigerian political system, a developmental trend in the parliamentary life of Nigeria during the, period under review through constitutional reviews and electoral reforms has already been noted. The reviews and reforms were not merely incidental. They were observable results of protracted political struggles involving various interest groups in the Nigerian political process. Despite these changes and modifications, electoral process in Nigeria by the eve of independence was still characterized by large scale abuse of constitutional provisions. Dudley J. B. (1982) for instance, observed that:
Electoral officers were terrorized into absconding from their offices once
they received the nomination paper of government party candidate.
Commenting on the 1959 elections, Okwudiba Nnoli (1980) had this to say:
A careful examination of the election manifestoes of the nationalist
movement and parties… shows an overwhelming emphasis on relations
of distribution rather than those of production.
The general confusion which resulted from open abuse of electoral process in Nigeria expressed in rigging, thuggery, ethnic sentiment, corruption, etc”, blurred the political scene of the country and induced military intervention in 1966. Sustained search for a more effective electoral process has helped to give rise to structural constitutional review mat resulted in 1979, 1995 and recently 1999.
The policy and structural changes made in the country’s constitution since independence (with the possible exception of between 1979 and 1999) have so far made no remarkable improvement on Nigerian electoral process mainly as a result of absence of positive operative culture. However, Oyeleye Oyediran (1981) on the 1979 election believes that creation of states helped to “diffuse the centres of powers. This, perhaps, helped to reduce regional or ethnic cleavages in Nigeria during the 1979 elections.” He argues that the development might have helped to account for N.P.N (National Party of Nigeria), the most popular party at the time controlling only five out of the ten Northern states. It is also possible that the polarized two party situations and the open secret ballot voting system which prefaced the 1992 elections accounted for the furtherance of the trend.
This is not to say that rigid two-party system is the best structure for a plural society such as Nigeria; nor, should it be assumed that state creation as a policy has eradicated ethnicity in Nigeria. So far, state creation has merely achieved structural unity, not cultural unity. Indeed objective observers are of the opinion that apart from the few manifestations of progress in post-Independence electoral system in Nigeria, voting behavior of the Nigerian electorate bears the same index of general corruption and mutilation of electoral justice.
On rigging, Professor Nwabueze B.O. (1989) observes that:
Elections rigging undermine another cardinal principle of democracy: the principle that the welfare of the people being the object’ of government, victory at an election must be related and linked to ability to secure and promote the people’s welfare, and that a government which has not performed well in this respect forfeits all claims to have its mandate renewed.
It must be noted however, that there is no country whose constitution or electoral process is error-proof. Even the Unity States of America and Britain have their own problems; but the early stages of their political history were their most trying periods in this respect. The alleged electoral fraud in the state of Florida during the then American Presidential election confirms that even today electoral process in the United States still has problems. However, whatever electoral problems they may have to grapple will today are relatively minimal because each of them has developed national, character that puts national interests above personal or ethnic consideration.
The Nigeria electoral situation tends to clarify the position of this paper namely, that electoral policy structure required conductive culture base which can give effect to fundamental principles of democracy. This view is. discussed below.
CORRELATION BETWEEN ELECTORAL PROCESS AND DEMOCRACY WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE 1999 CONSTITUTION OF NIGERIA
This part of the paper is concerned with a critical examination of constitutional provisions regarding electoral process as contained in the 1999 constitution of Nigeria. The thrust is on high-lighting possible constitutional shortfalls that could impede constitutional aspirations of Nigerians. Such lapses, if any, will provide a premise for remedial proposals the implementation of which can guarantee high prospects for meaningful survival of democracy in Nigeria.
ELECTORAL PROCESS AS PROVIDED FOR IN THE CONSTITUTION OF NIGERIA
According to Nwabueze B. O. (1993); With respect to electoral process, the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria Provides as follows:
A. INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION
Paragraph 14 of Part 1 in the Third Schedules off the 1999 Constitution provides:
(1) The Independent National Electoral Commission shall comprise the following members:
(a) A chairman who shall be the Chief Executive Officer, and
(b) Twelve (12) other members who shall be known as National Electoral Commissioners, who shall be persons of unquestionable integrity and not be less than fifty years of age, and forty years of age respectively.
(2) There shall be for each state of the Federal and the federal Capital Territory, Abuja, a Resident Electoral Commissioner who shall:
(a) Be appointed by the President;
(b) Be persons of unquestionable integrity;
(c) Not be less than forty years of age.
(3) The Commission shall have powers to:
(a) Organize, undertake and supervise all elections ir the offices of the president, and Vice-President the Governor and Deputy Governor of a state and to the members of the Senate, the House of Representatives and the House of Assembly of each state of the Federation;
(b) Register political parties in accordance with the provisions of this constitutions and an Act of National Assembly; (c) Monitor the organization and operation of political parties, including the finances;
(d) Arrange for the annual examination and auditing of the funds and accounts of political parties, and publish a report on such examination and audit for public information e.t.c. (e) Carry out such other functions as may be conferred upon it by an Act of the National Assembly.
B. STATE INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL COMMISSION
Paragraph 3 of Part II in the Third Schedule of the 1999
Constitution provides: A State Independence Electoral Commission shall comprise the
following: –
(a) A chairman; and (b) not less than five but not more than seven other persons.
4. The Commission shall have power
(a) To organize, undertake and supervise all elections to local Government Councils within the state;
(b) To render such advice as it may consider necessary to the Independent National Electoral Commission on the compilation of and the register of voters in so far as that register is applicable to local government elections in the state.
ISSUES ARISING FROM THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS OUTLINED ABOVE
The institutional arrangements contained in the 1999 constitution with respect to conduct of election at the three layers of political authority in the country are generally realistic. The main issues related to this observation arc as follows:
(1) Authority Status of INEC Chairman
The constitution confers wide-ranging powers on the Chairman of INEC. But the appointment of the Chairman and the Resident Commissioners is the responsibility of the president. This tends to weaken the independent status associated with INEC by virtues of constitutional provisions. This apprehension derives from the fact that human nature is most likely to compel shadow loyalty towards the executive authority-base of the commission. The position of this paper is that appointment of INEC Chairman and the Resident Commissioners should be the responsibility of the National Council of State.
(2) Incumbency
The president of Nigeria and the State Governors belong to political parties, even while in office. The role of incumbency in a political system, where national character is underdeveloped, is likely to be subjective and antithetical to the demands of democracy. It is suggested here that a president or a state Governor, once elected into office should be insulated from partisan politics and should be expected to implement the manifesto of the party on the platform of which he was voted into office. He should serve for one tenure of six years. The same conditions should apply to state governors and local government chairmen. This may sound absurd. But it has intrinsic validity, if it has not happened elsewhere, there is nothing in given it a trial in Nigeria.
The political life of a country is not in all cases predicated on historical sequence. It is sometimes a reflection of environmental variations.
(3) Voting System
Electoral process in Nigeria has undergone many stages such as (1) Best Man policy involving show of hands; (2) The whispering system; (3) The secret ballot system; (4) The open ballot system and (5) The open-secret system. Today the open-secret system has the approval of many Nigerians. The main problem which is associated with this system is that some elites, especially educated and business elites usually, do not find it convenient to queue up for long hours in the open. The non-participation of such people in voting tends to reduce the number and quality of active participants in actual voting. Its main strength is that it potentially minimizing electoral fraud shrouded in secret ballot system
It is suggested in this paper that the open-secret ballot system should be retained in any future review of electoral process h Nigeria.
(4) Double/Multiple Voting
This election problem has a recurring tendency in Nigeria electoral process. Experience shows that the use of indelible ink it the past as a preventive strategy did not achieve its desires objective. To remedy this flaw, the National Identity Card Scheme should be given a trial. This paper recommends it. If it is no’ considered topical in constitutional restructuring, it should at least be incorporated into the country’s electoral law.
ELECTORAL PROCESS, POLITICAL STRUCTURES AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT
The general problems raised in this paper compel two questions? What structural model does Nigeria need for effective electoral process? What cultural content does Nigeria need to operationalize effectively constitutional provisions regarding electoral process in presidential democracy? The search for answers to these questions is the concern of this concluding part of the paper.
The main position of this paper is that frequent constitutional reviews are not the answer to defective electoral process in Nigeria. It has been pointed out elsewhere in this paper that there is no perfect constitution-in the world. It is therefore safe to say that the Nigerian constitution of 1999 and indeed, those of 1979 as well as 1989 and 1995 are not perfect. But they are good enough to guarantee effective electoral process if political structures and institutions in the country are democratically operated in a conductive socio-economic environment.
POLITICAL STRUCTURES/INSTITUTIONS
Party politics came into Nigeria during British rule in the country. As “‘a result of the circumstances of their ‘birth’, most of the pre-independence political parties in the country lacked national outlook despite the fact that some of their main actors were looked upon as committed nationalists. A possible exception was, however, the N.C.N.C which made a number of concrete attempts to assume national outlook. When Nigeria attained political independence in 1960, party politics in Nigeria took the form of regional politics. The N.C.N.C found its base in the former Eastern Nigeria; the NPC was entrenched in the North; while the Action Group with a transparent cultural orientation saw the Western Nigeria of the period as its operational home-base.
According to Nwatu D. N. (986)
Political parties thus diverged along regional and ethnic lines, had a tendency to produce political actors whose motivation had sectional rather than national calculations. The result was a growth of sub-group sentiments which tended to becloud national interests. Ethnic politics and sentiments epitomized in this way, political actors became so. inward- looking in the formulation of their official policies that they saw politics and political parties essentially as a lucrative business in the direction of group or personal enrichment at the expense of national integration and nation-building.
In 1979, a Constitution Drafting Committee was set up by the Obasanjo military regime as a prelude to the return of the country to civil rule. The Committee, rather than look into why the parliamentary system failed in Nigeria, introduced into the country, an entirely new structure the Presidential system of Government but did little or nothing to change the political inclinations of Nigerians. In such a situation, the failure of political parties under the presidential system in Nigeria was dramatic and inevitable.
Although political parties in Nigeria under the presidential system wrote new labels, the individuals that operated them still retained their old habits. If there was anything new in party politics under the presidential system, it was in the structure of the parties. For example, while political parties under the parliamentary system tended to deepen ethnic differences the ones under the presidential system cut across ethnic solidarity. But because there was no corresponding change in the political ways of Nigerian, Political corruption and other vices that typified pre-presidential political parties in Nigeria assumed alarming proportions under the new system.
POLITICAL EDUCATION OR GENERAL POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION
Socialization orientation is not exactly the same thing as conscious political education or political socialization which is specifically designed to orientate the citizen towards the political system in which he is with respect to obligation to and expectations from the system
Inadequate attitudinal orientation for operating Western political structures in Nigeria at the early stages of their introduction is mainly responsible for Electoral problem facing Nigeria today. It is worth emphasizing that whether the label is parliament democracy or presidential democracy Nigeria is operating foreign political structures. The originators of the structures over the centuries have evolved corresponding political culture for operationalizing these structures. In introducing parliamentary democracy into Nigeria by colonial fiat, for example, British administrators did not give Nigeria adequate orientation for operating the artifacts. It has been pointed out elsewhere in this paper that incongruence or discrepancy between structure and culture occasioned functional shortfall in operating the western structures.
Nigerian should be guide to internalize through a conscious socialization or information process that all Nigerians who are interested in the overall survival of the country should be concerned with the success of the entire political community in terms of societal goal-attainment for the good of all. Nigeria should also be guided to appreciate the fact that although there may be differences in modes of professional training, natural talents, attitudinal acumen, general mental, intellectual, cultural or spiritual perception, a Nigerian is a Nigerian wherever he may be. Furthermore, the concept of “masses” in its classic sense cuts across elitist connotation. The concept does not begin and end with political, traditional or business elites. It also in this context refers to other Nigerians in more humble circumstance scattered all over the country in their struggle for basic livelihood.
This group of Nigerians either because of extreme economic circumstance, or inadequate information net-work, tends to remain apathetic to societal goals and aspirations. It is this group of Nigerians (more than any other) that is often manipulated by unpatriotic Nigerian especially during elections to support public issues they hardly understand nor can define. It is also this same group that some Nigerians derogatorily refer to as “masses” or “the people to whose door-step “the government” should be brought as if these less privileged Nigerians are detached from societal collectivity. This derogatory posture does not enhance the growth and development of democracy. This is because it is the whole corpus of the entire citizen that should evolve machinery (otherwise known as the entire community as determined and articulated by societal goals.
COMMUNICATION
For the survival of democracy and dynamic electoral process in Nigeria, the country needs sound communication network which should include: good road linkage, print and electronic media; radio development for and information cells that can elicit the response of traditional elites, age-grades, and the general population in the hinterlands. Official organs such as information Ministries and the National Orientation Agency should be actively and objectively involved in raising political consciousness of the Nigerian citizenry through communication. Strategic official involvement should not, however, take the form of projecting merely official side of government. A feed-back machinery to elicit response from the general public is necessary. A high level of political consciousness enhanced by improved communication system is needed in Nigeria if electoral process is to serve as an essential aspect of democracy, not as a mere routine for entrenching unpopular candidates,
LEADERSHIP
In any human situation, the quality of leadership at any given time is a crucial factor in determining the direction of a people. An individual does not constitute leadership. But an individual can inspire like-minded citizens or collective support if he is firm and fair, selfless, honest and dedicated. A Chief Executive who is on his throne of authority through free and fair election should be equalitarian not authoritarian. Such a person is likely to have regard for merit and fairness and will be concerned with collective welfare and equity which are basic indices of democracy. Besides, such an individual will sponsor programmes that can ensure effective implementation of constitutional provisions whether they relate to electoral process or any other aspect of collective political life. He should manifest symbolic capability that transcends ethnicity.
Nigeria needs such a leader who through personal example can raise dedicated leadership for national progress.
POLITICAL CULTURE
Gabriel Almond (1960) has referred to political culture as the
Psychological dimension of the political system. It consists of attitudes, beliefs, values and skills which are current in an entire population, as well as those special propensities and patterns which may be found within separate parts of that population.
This agrees with Verba’s view of (1965) that “Political culture refers specifically to political attitudes of the citizens toward the political system its part, and toward the role of himself in the system.
Every political system has political culture(s). If segmentary culture of a political system are aggregated into a central, unifying value. Si political system has a greater probability of being more politically: than one in which political loyalty is largely determined by prime cleavages”.
The position of this paper is that a more objective solution is evolution corresponding political culture that can square with the president democracy which the country is operating at the present time, through articulated programmes for political education, and a reappraisal academic curricula at all levels of the country’s education system evolutionary process should include a well-defined ideological frame that synthesizes the socio-economic direction of Nigerians as guild political actors and the Nigerian electorate.
The huge amount of money that often goes into frequent constitution reviews should be better utilized in enhancing Nigeria’s productive b encouraging diversified industrialization, reflective of contemporary creative technology, This option will help hasten the evolution of a pc community with a positive and unifying political culture capable ensuring active political participation in electoral process in Nigeria context of meaningful democracy.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
In this paper, an attempt at a contextual definition of political process have been made. It also includes general strands in the development o1 suffrage in Nigeria; an outline of constitutional provisions register electoral process in the 1999 constitution of Nigeria; a critique provisions and remedial options from a behavioral perspective. It casts around for socio-economic solution to the problems of electoral process in Nigerian democratic setting and empirically arrived conclusion that discrepancy between structure and culture is largely responsible for functional inadequacies in Nigerian electoral process over the years; hence, the programme prescribed above for evolution of supportive political culture. It has been established in this paper that mere constitutional reviews without the evolution of a positive national character for nation-building cannot bring about desired electoral process that can give meaning to democracy. That previous efforts did not yield remarkable results does not mean that the country will not succeed, if Nigerians match general might with general will. The problems of electoral process which Nigerians have so far experienced should not deter the country from future experimentation with innovative will. Nigerians should continue in their struggle to evolve a sound electoral system that can sponsor democratic practice. It then follows that if the recent Anti-Corruption Act and Poverty Alleviation programme espoused by the past/present administration are effectively implemented and sustained, constructive electoral process and survival of democracy in Nigeria are prospective in the country’s political experiment.
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