Mohammed HashimYunusa
Department of Political Science
Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai,
Niger State
ABSTRACT
The belief (colonial exploitation as the sole factor of underdevelopment) is by no means without foundation. But we cannot console ourselves with that nationalization forever.” In essence, there is foreign domination and exploitation and there are already the manifestations of the problem of Western values. Nevertheless, with informed and enlightened leadership, the continent can still be piloted out of its economic quagmire. Faulting slave trade and colonialism cannot bring development to Africa as viewed by the UDT scholars. The need to assess the present day African predicament from the problems inherent in the Africans is the focus of this paper. It is observed that, the destiny of the continent lies in the hands of the leadership. The leadership therefore, needs a refocus to triumph the continent for better.
INTRODUCTION
The questions to ask about a country’s development are three: What has been happening to poverty? What has been happening to unemployment? What has been happening to inequality? If all these three have declined from higher levels, then beyond doubt this has been a period of development for the country concerned.
Dudley Seers Development in a Divided World (1971).
As the 21s1 century unfolds, countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America are still confronted with the same old problems of economic development and political stability. Declining agriculture, stagnant manufacturing sector, unemployment and poverty remain permanent features of the developing countries. The World Development Report (1990) which focused on World poverty observes that whereas there are apparent rising trend of incomes and consumption between 1965 and 1985 and whereas other broad social indicators are also improving, developing countries are still caught up in the poverty web. As the report puts it” it is all the staggering-and all the more shameful-that more than one billion people in the developing World are living in poverty (World Bank: 1990).
It has been shown that, using comparative standards, Africa today is underdeveloped in relation to Western Europe and a few other parts of the World; and that the present position has been arrived at, not by the separate evolution of Africa on the one hand and’ Europe on the other, but exploitation. As is well known, Africa has had prolonged and extensive contact with Europe, and one has to bear in mind that contact between different societies changes their respective rates of development (Casely:1972).
All of the countries named as “underdeveloped” in the World are exploited by others; and the underdevelopment with which the World is pre-occupied is a product of capitalist, imperialist and colonialist exploitation. African and Asian societies were developing indirectly until they were taken over directly or indirectly by the capitalist power. When that happened, exploitation increased and the export of surplus ensured, depriving the societies of their natural resources and labour. That is an integral part of underdevelopment in the contemporary senses (Walter: 1972).
In his lecture (Dunmoye) on politics of development and underdevelopment, it was revealed that; the process of underdevelopment seems to have began gradually with Europe trade expansion between 1450 and 1640. This process was assisted or enhanced by the industrial revolution of 17′” 18lh century.It contained and spread all over the World, India and Africa. By 19′” century, especially in Africa, European powers acquires colony in Africa and these colonies were plundered by the colonialist (Dunmoye: 1998) such act of plundering, necessitated their underdevelopment.
1:2 CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATIONS
To lessen ambiguity and vagueness, I have operationalized the concept of”Underdevelopment” in this paper.Underdevelopment does not mean absence of development. It makes sense only as a means of comparing levels of development. 1 underdevelopment argued Daniel Effiong, refers to “the state of a satellite economy characterized by low real income per capita in comparison those of North America and Western Europe”. Such economy Effiong “is characterized by illiteracy, poverty over population and diseases (Abubakar: 2002).To appreciate the main features of underdevelopment, one fined submission of the prolific writer, Charles Anderson very useful. Charles, in his work “The sociology of survival” note;
——–The elite mass gap widens. Rural-Urban
Inequalities increases, city slums grow. Unemployment increases. Illiteracy abounds. Agricultural production stagnates. (Malnutrition spreads. Diseases debilitate millions. Birth rates remain high. Death rates begin to high in some areas. Imported luxuries drain foreign exchange. Foreign debt and balance of payments deficit mount. Inflation runs rampant. Military spending and police repression increases. Foreign Corporation drain huge amounts of raw materials and profits from the country. Such, Charles said, are of the hall marks of underdeveloped society (Ibid).
Added to the above are; corruption, bad governance, low level of infrastructural facilities, cultism, political hooliganism, prostitution (both national and international), election rigging, breakdown of law and order etc.Situating Nigeria within the context of the foregoing analysis, there is no doubting the fact that there is total economic, social and political underdevelopment in Nigeria, which hikens the dependent nature ofCountry socially, and politically.
Looked at within the context of dependency theory, development cannot be achieved through a”trickle-down-effect”. This is because underdevelopment itself is seen as a historical condition arising fromIncorporation of the developing countries into the international capitalist system, first through slavery, then colonialism and finally through neo-colonialism.
Buttressing this, Andrae Gunder Frank said, Underdevelopment is not due to the survival of archaic institutions and the existence of capital shortage in region that have remained isolated from the stream of World history. On the contrary, historical process, this also generated economic development the development of capitalism itself (Frank: 1998).
The basic premise of A.G Frank is that, the industrial countries may not have developed, but they were never underdeveloped that, in actual fact, it was the process of underdevelopment in African countries that actually facilitated the development of the now- developed countries (Rufai; 1997); After Britain had begun to move ahead of the rest of Europe in the 18ih century, the famous Scottish economics Adam Smith felt it necessary to look into the causes behind the ‘wealth of Nations.1 At the same time, many Russians were very concerned about the fact that their country was ‘backward’ in comparison with England, France and Germany in the 18′h century. Today, our main pre-occupation is with the differences in wealth between on the one hand Europe and North America on the other hand, Africa, Asia and Latin America (Yunusa: 2004). To this, the underdevelopment theorists came up with various assumptions to explain the underdevelopment of the countries of these regions.
1:3 BASIC ASSUMPTIONS OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT THEORIES
The main these of underdevelopment theory is that, development and underdevelopment are two aspects of a universal historical process through which the underdeveloped countries were integrated into the international capital system. In other words, there exists a dialectical relationship between development and underdevelopment in the sense that the Western capitalist countries developed in the process of under developing the present day underdeveloped countries (Abubakar 2002.) This explanation seeks to suggest that although a country may have underdeveloped, no country was ever in an original state of underdevelopment.
A number of vital consequences can be drawn from this dialectical relationship of incorporating the economies of the overseas territories into the international capitalist economy. First, while the unilateral transfer of the economic wealth of the overseas territories to the imperialist countries contributed to capital accumulation in the later, it systematically led to the loss of the economic surplus generated in the former. This situation undermined the chances of economic progress in those overseas territories trading with the imperialist countries, and most cases, actually retarded internal development of the territories concerned (Yunusa, 2004) The increased economic advantages derived from merchant capitalism paved the way for the emergence of an international division of labour, which basically served the interests of those capitalist countries in the process of industrialization and seriously arrested the technological and economic advancement of the overseas territories (Abubakar; 2002).
Again, the derive to secure assured sources of raw materials as v market outlets from European manufacturers was a major factor influenced the actual policy of colonization.
The theorists (UDT) further stress that; an understands underdevelopment, for example in Africa must take into account the and degree of capital penetration and resource exploitation, structure varieties of dependency and economic domination, their imp£ development policies and strategies as well as the mechanisms through which surplus value is extracted and transferred. This condition was summarized by Dos Santos thus:
In a World market of commodities capital, and even of labour power, the relation’s produces by this market are unequal and combined-unequal because, development of parts of the system occurs at the expense of other parts. (Combined because), trade relations are based on monopolistic control of the market, which leads to the transfer of surplus generated in the dependent countries to the dominant countries. Financial relations are from the view point of the dominant powers, based on loans and the export of capital which permit them to receive interest and profit; thus, increasing their control over economies of the other countries (Dos-Santi Paul:2000).
Given contrast view, liberal scholars, for instance, Adam Smith, a that, the wealth of nations depends on the expansion of the market nations and the incorporation of all peoples into the international division labour (Adam Smith in Labour: 2000). To this school of thought, it could observe that the underdevelopment theorists are considering direct consequences of under-utilization of resources of land and labourthe European market could provide. Hence, by integration to advance economies, underdeveloped economies are expected to make maxi benefits provided by the advanced capitalist system for their econ development.
However, since the end of the eighteen century, nationalists in different countries have argued that the benefits of free trade always accrue t strongest. The ability of the more advanced economy to domination competitive markets prevents the development of less advanced economic under conditions of free trade. Critical examination of this dialectical relationship reveals mat, the international division of labour has promote the development of the economies of Europe and North America transferring to them a surplus extracted from the labour of colonial people, who were thus, deprived of the resources necessary for their own development (Yunusa: 2004)
For purely analytical purpose, liberal scholars were quick to observe and advanced strong criticism against a major aspect of UDT, which is the Dependency theory. Zartman 1976, for instance, was of the view that what the underdevelopment and Dependency theorists sought to achieve was so cheaply to look for a common place to apportion blame for the inability of the so-called underdeveloped societies to develop themselves. As far as he is concerned:
Foreign bases have been evacuated, foreign firms nationalized, foreign investment broadened, foreign trade differences restricted and terms of trade re-evaluated and foreign currency separated from the national treasury, the striking characteristic is the relative speed and ease with which such policies have been effected (Abubakar: 2002).
However, looking at the nature of colonial exploitation of resources of the underdeveloped countries and the present neo-colonial activities of the Western World provides sufficient empirical evidence to demonstrate the irrelevance of the above quotation. Zartman failed to appreciate the fact that society whose resources were stashed away, its cultural values disarticulated, its leadership could not but be called dependent society. The causes of Africa’s crises or poverty have little to do with artificial colonial borders, American imperialism, racism, or the alleged inferiority of the African people (Ayittey; 2006) “If colonialism was what held Africa back, you would expect the continent to have boomed when the settlers left. It didn’t” (Guest, 2004). And the incessant whining about the legacies of colonialism and blaming them for Africa’s woes “gives little clue as to how these woes could be ended” (Guest 2004).
From the above intellectual observation there is the need for me to re-think underdevelopment theory Viz-a-Viz, the contemporary African predicament.
1:4UNDERDEVELOPMENT THEORY AND CONTEMPORARYAFRICAN PREDICAMENT: A Re-think
Just as UDT grew out of dissatisfaction with the explanatory capacity of modernization theory, radical critiques of UDT see it as being incapable of explaining the new realities of the postcolonial -African state. The critiques of the UDT, tried to look more closely as the ways in which local bourgeoisie classes have promoted their interests through state power. They suggest that, some countries in the Third World have been able to develop because of dependency and exploitation of their own resources.Examples of the countries are: South Korea, Kenya, Nigeria and Brazil.Walter Rodney was specially or specifically concerned with the past actors by European which has, he argued, “kept Africa in a chronic state of underdevelopment”. While not totally disagreeing with Rodney, this paper will strongly hold that, Africa’s on-going “underdevelopment” is to a very large measures caused by African’s themselves and not necessarily by Europe. This may sound fatalistic. It may have some sign of skepticism even cynicism. But, if we must tell ourselves some hard home truths, we will agree that the above depressing progress of our containing underdevelopment can hardly be seriously faulted.
Even if UDT was relevant, it has lost its relevant as scholars continue to advance in research viewing from its “theoretical and empirical shortcomings”. For instance, UDT fails to take into account the internal class and productive structure of the periphery that inhibit development of the productive forces. For clarity, Dunmoye said; in theory, the of relationship between the dependency and the capitalist countries in terms of Structures cannot perform what the developed countries did to attain their development (Dunmoye, 1998). Theoretically, it I fallacious. In it real sense, there are certain internal factors or crisis within the peripheral capitalist countries that hinders development.
According to Tarn David-West; reason for the differences between us and the developed countries is that, while the leaders are literally with every tickling of the clock seriously addressing the problem and concern of the moment and finding solution to them, in underdevelopment Africa, leaders and followers expand their energies more in devising more and more sophisticated machinery for subverting the system, economically or electorally (David-West; 2003).
Buttressing the above, African leaders mount their high horses and incessantly to the international community to save the continent trotting with a bowl in their hands, begging, begging for aid. They see that Africa’s begging bowl is punched with holes. What corns foreign aid and investment ultimately leaks away. Total foreign aid and investment into Africa from all sources amounts to $18 billion an But capital flight out of Africa exceeds $20 billion in capital an Destructive Wars cost more than $10 billion in capital was siphoned Africa by the ruling gangsters and briefcase bandits (the New York 1996). Note that, this amount was more than half of Africa’s foreign $320 billion.
Furthermore, capital flight out of Africa, on an annual basis, exceed comes into Africa as foreign aid. The World Bank estimates that, more than $250 billion flowed into Nigeria’s coffers alone between 1970 and 2000, but much of that leaked away. Nigerian immediate past president, Olusegun Obasanjo stunned representative of African civic groups meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in June, 2002, make the statement that, corrupt African leaders have stolen at least $140 billion from their people in the decades since independence (the London Independent: 2002). And according to the London observer, Zimbabwe’s economic collapse had caused more than $37 billion worth of damage to South Africa and other neighboring countries (The observer; 2001).
Also, UDT tends to focus attention on the metropoles and international capital. They are blamed for the poverty, stagnation and backwardness of the periphery instead of the local class formation (Yunusa, 2004). These. Tarn David-West said; the tendency is to find-excuses for our continued underdevelopment. The easy and convenient scapegoats are, of course, the slave trade and colonialism. One is certainly not underestimating the evils and the negative consequences of the slave trade and colonialism. However, unending indictment and blaming all our failures or woes of underdevelopment on them even centuries after colonialism is self defeatist scapegoatism (David-West; 2003). Indeed, A.O Sanda (1992) rightly cautioned that “care must be taken, however, such that, these historical explanations may not become mistaken for historical justification for the persistence of underdevelopment” (Sanda; 1992).
UDT also failed to differentiate capitalist from feudal or other pre-capitalist mode of controlling the direct producers and appropriating surplus. According to Dunmoye, apart from capitalism, there are other mode of productions that exploited. E.g. feudalism (Dunmoye; 1998). Theoretically therefore, this very perception of the theorists about capitalist exploitation if faulty.
UDT also holds the Utopia of “autarky” as the solution to our problems. But with the present wave of globalization, how realistic could this be? Take for instance; Nigeria is at present living in the era of economic dependence whereby if the America’s economy for instance sneezes, Nigeria catches cold. Moreover, the Nigerian trade relations with the West are so unequal that her primary commodities export to Europe exchange for a pittance. Since Nigeria is inextricably linked with the Western economy, any policy mistake in the West reverberates very strongly on the Nigerian economy. Therefore, instead of’ ‘autarky’ why not ‘adjustment’?
Another point against UDT is that, it is static. It is static because, it is unable to explain or account for changes in the underdeveloped countries economy overtime. While some countries are developing and others are not. UDT have no precise answer to his imbalance in terms of development.
In the work of Tarn David-West; How Africans underdeveloped Africa, he said; “while in the developed economies, fraudsters are apprehended clamped within the jaws of the law, in Africa, Big fraudsters, MI thieves are decorated with accolades or spangled with confetti then the chieftaincy titles, all in celebration of Big thieving” He continued; destroyed Agriculture. We destroyed the economy. We destroyed politics. We destroyed or prostituted religions. We destroyed all infrastructures needed for development.
We are master destroyers yet, we have the audacity to expect development. But this can never come by juju or voodoo of ‘fellowship1 (David-West: 2003). Some of the Nigeria’s Governors for eight years were guilty of tt offences and are still given places to serve in the National Assembly.
In the Work of Basil Davidson, “The Blackmail’s Burden”. “Africa and curse of the Nation-state” (1992) he said; “By far, the greatest single contributor to Africa’s continued underdevelopment is bad leadership Leaders who claim to be visionary but in fact have no visions at all for development. Leaders who claim they have lofty dreams for rot development. But all they ever have are disturbed sleep with no dreams. Disturbed because they are being chased by the havoc they have wrecked on their systems. They loot the subversion of the system for their own aggrandizement and indulgence” (Davidson; 1992). Most (Preponderant majority) post-colonial African leaders are modern Negros in brutality tyranny and self-indulgence. They are self-centered. They know all and so can’t tolerate any organized opposition or even intellectually dissent voice or opinion (Ibid).
The other causes of Africa’s contemporary problems are: direction; planning, political instability, ethnicity, instead of a sense of nation identity (David West, 2003).
Chuma Ifedi in “facing the realities of democracy” also held that. “African social and economic backwardness may be attributable to large political mismanagement. No wonder, we have the poorest nations in World among African states”.
Sam Aluko stress that, the self-perpetuation, the ever bowing out tendency of African heads of state also contribute to our underdevelopment following ways”
- Government becomes personalized and cultish.
- Slide into autocracy or dictatorship.
- Suppression and oppression of opposition; stifling dissenting voices or opinion among politicians, intellectuals the masses.
- Unbridled Corruption.
- One party state (Aluko in David-West; 2003).
Buttressing the above, George Ayittey is of the view that, Africa’s woes have more to do with bad leadership. The centralization of both economic and political power turns the state into a pot of gold that, all sorts of groups compete to capture. Once captured, power is then used to amass huge personal fortunes, to enrich one’s cronies and tribesmen, to crush one’s rivals, and to perpetuate one’s rule in office. All others are excluded (the politics of exclusion). The absence of mechanisms for peaceful transfer of power leads to a struggle over political power, which often degenerates into civil strife or war. Chaos or carnage ensures. Infrastructure is destroyed. Food production and delivery arc disrupted. Thousands are dislocated and flee, becoming internal refugees and placing severe strain on social systems of the resident population. Food supplies run out. Starvation looms (Ayittey; 2006), How do you blame colonialism and slave trade for the “do or die affair” election in Nigeria? Election rigging in favour of kibaki-all that resulted in the death of so many people both in Kenya and Nigeria? In Nigeria, “the giant of Africa,” basic requirements like water and electricity-the lifeblood of industrial establishment were among the first casualties under Obasanjo led civilian administration. The supply becomes epileptic where available. The manufacturing sector of the economy happens to be the most vulnerable in such a situation because; its continued survival depends on its ability to produce. The willful mismanagement of the oil refineries and their consequent inability to produce at their installed capacities compounded the problems of the textile factories (Tribune; 2007). Hence, the closure of these textile factories that have rendered many people jobless in Nigeria.
Nigeria’s large population which, from all calculations, had and still has the capacity to consume the bulk, if not all of their products. The high hopes and great expectations were, however dashed by a sudden turn for the worse in the nation’s fortunes. The abandonment of cherished values of hard work and honesty and the subsequent institutionalization of corruption resulted in the systemic decay and a rapid decline in all facets of national life (Tribune, 2007).
The immediate past administration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo spent eight years lamenting the decadent state of infrastructure and holding its predecessors responsible for everything that was wrong in the polity. The tragic irony is that Obasanjo left the scene worse than he met it. His reform agenda rendered us misery. He completely failed to meet any of the targets he set for himself at his inauguration (Tribune, 2007).
To lead the continent in a new direction, Africa’s best hope lies with the cheetah generation. With small micro credit investment in cottage industries, this generation can turn Africa around. African leaders, politicians, and intellectual have failed Africa badly. All these groups were looking for answers to Africa’s problems in the wrong places when the blue print for Africa’s rejuvenation lies right at their feet. And worse, the issue of reforming the African state has become so polluted and politicized that the ruling elites do not see their own devices. Eventually, their fate will catch up with them {Ayittey; 2006).
“President Frederick Chiluba of Zambia is a thief, said Zoran Zuze. 29. “He’s a con man, and the MMD is like a mafia. We have told them to go, but they act like they cannot hear” (the Washington post, January, 2, 2002). Chiluba started out as a socialist, but in the opinion of many Zambians, he left the state house a wealthier man and Zambia a poorer nation. On August 5, 2003, Chiluba, the “Swiss bank socialist,” was arrested and “charged with stealing more than $40 million during his decade of rule “(The Washington Times, August 6, 2003). And his finance minister, katelekahimba? Recall that, police found him hiding in a tree near his rural home in January, 2003. He was arrested and charged with stealing some $33 million when he was in office (The New York Times, January, 16 2003). I belief, colonialism and slave trade was more merciful to us than this dubious act by our brother(s).
When Chad-Cameroon oil pipeline was completed in October, 2003 and started exporting, there were high hopes that the oil boom would transform the lives of the Chadian people. But reality soon set in. “We thought that, with the petrol, we could have everything food, clothes, a better life,” lamented Tareseem pelagic, standing outside her mud hut. “There is nothing good coming from this oil. In five years, nothing will change” (The Washington post, March 13, 2004 P.A 17). And when the Chadian government received a bonus payment of $25 million from the oil deal it spent $4 million to purchase weapons. Why? To suppress the people (Ayittey, 2006) (Strong oppositions) against the government and it odd policies.
In Equatorial Guinea, President Teodoro Obiang Nguema came to power by overthrowing his uncle and shooting him in 1979. He survived in power by packing his government with relatives, torturing opponents, and rigging elections (The Independent, March 16, 2004; (WWW.independent.CO.UKt Obiang’s fortunes turned to gold in the mid-1990s, when U.S. oil firms discovered vast offshore oil deposits. Overnight, the former Spanish colony shot from poverty-stricken obscurity to fabulous wealth, becoming known as the “Kuwait of Africa” It became Africa’s third largest oil producer, after Nigeria and Angola. But the vast majority of Guineans, however, have yet to taste that sweet bread. “There is no evidence that any of the oil wealth has gone to the people” (The Independent, March 16, 2004, WWW.mdependent.C.Q.Uk.).
After September 11, 2001, several African leaders claimed to be fighting terrorism when they themselves were the real state terrorists. The regimes of Omar el Bashir of Sudan, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, and Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe claimed to be fighting terrorists, and even former president of Liberia, Charles Taylor established on anti-terrorist unit to terrorize the people (The Washington post, Sept, 2003 P. A1).
Under Charles Taylor, Wheel barrows served as ambulances for the people. The public schools did not function; more than 70 percent of the population was illiterate. Liberia had a judicial system, but “Taylor named his friends who could not read or write to be judges and attorneys, and sentences were handed down on his orders” (The Washington post, Sept, 9, 2003 P. A18). Liberia’s capital, Monrovia, had a fire station painted bright red, but its only fire truck had no tires, headlamps, or even a hose. Wires dangled from the engine. With no running water in the city, firefighters “must jog or hitchhike to a creek three miles away to fetch water in buckets to put out a fire” (The Washington post, Sept, 2003; P.A 18). How do we blame slave trade and colonialism for all these internal evils? Instead of this continually looking outward, why not inward?
CONCLUSION
This paper has discussed underdevelopment in a historical perspective, operationalized the concept of underdevelopment, and analyzed the basic assumptions of UDT and its relevance to the contemporary African predicament. The paper found out that, despite its efforts to explain the causes of underdevelopment in Africa, it is still not devoid of criticisms which scholars sum as “empirical and theoretical shortcomings” of UDT. In fairness to the theorists, their views are commendable because, they delve into the past. This is because, it would have be impossible to understand how the present Third World came into be and what the trends are for the near future if it were not for their response to the views of the modernization theorists. It therefore, marked the beginning of another perspective to the understanding of underdevelopment of the Third World countries, what is needed for Africa to get out of the wood are the promotion of good governance. Let there be leaders with mission and vision. In fighting the past, we need to seriously devote ourselves to introspection and circumspection employing our critical intelligence to analyzing the shortcomings, the mistakes of the past with the overriding purpose of avoiding recurrence.
The entire people (African leaders and elites) do is talk, talk, talk. Then if they do get any money from the Wazungu (White men), they just steal it for themselves. And what about us? We have no food. We have no school. We have no future. We are just left to die (The Washington Times, 2002). Africa’s best hope lies with its intellectual. They are a distinct and cohesive group among the elite class, which is made up of high government officials (head of state, Ministers, ambassadors, etc.) professionals (lawyers, doctors, accountants, teachers, etc.) politicians, and civil servants. The intellectuals are supposed to be apolitical and to understand such basic concepts as “democracy” “accountability” and “freedom”. Yet, for much of the post-colonial period, this group has supplied the intellectual rationale to legitimize despotism and corruption. No military vandal would succeed in imposing his rule if judges did not swear in coup-makers, if the intellectuals did not serve under them, and if civil servants refused to carry out their orders (Ayittey; 1998).
Too many of Africa’s intellectuals throw caution to the wind and grab every opportunity they get to serve the dictates of barbarous military regimes-even at great risks to themselves. Vile opportunism and perfidious collaboration on the part of Africa’s intellectuals allowed tyranny to become entrenched in Africa. We are tired and fed up with the claptrap their leaders serve up to avoid taking responsibility for their own reckless mis-governance and mismanagement. Let live colonialism-slave trade, the Europeans and look inward.
In fact, many of the hackneyed causes of Africa’s woes bear little or no relevance to the current mess. The slave trade and colonialism have’ nothing to do with economic mismanagement. “True, the West supported some brutal African despots, such as Mobutu SeseSeko of Zaire and Samuel Doe of Liberia. But the West did not tell them to loot their national treasuries and slaughter their people”.
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